Changes in Melbourne’s journey to work – by mode (2006-2016)

Sun 10 December, 2017

My last post looked at the overall trends in journeys to work in Melbourne, with a focus on public and private transport at the aggregate level. This post dives down to look at particular modes or modal combinations, including mode shares, mode shifts and the origins and destinations of new trips.


Here’s mode share for journeys involving train by home location (journeys may also include other modes):

The highest train mode shares can be seen mostly along the train lines, which will surprise no one.

In fact, we can measure what proportion of train commuters live close to train stations. The following chart looks at how far commuters live from train stations, for commuters who use only trains, used trains and possible other modes, and for all commuters.

Melbourne train and all commuters by distance from trains station 2016

This chart shows that almost 60% of people who only used train (and walking) to get to work lived within 1 km of a station, and almost three-quarters were within 1.5 km. But around 8% of people only reporting train in their journey to work were more than 3 km from a train station. That’s either a long walk, or people forgot to mention the other modes they used (a common problem it seems).

For journeys involving train, 50% were from within 1 km of a station, but around a quarter were from more than 2 km from a station.

Interestingly, around a third of all Melbourne commuters lived within 1 km of a train station, but a majority of them did not actually report train as part of their journey to work.

So where were the mode shifts to and from train (by home location)?

Melbourne train mode shift 2011 2016.PNG

There were big mode shifts to train around new stations including Wyndham Vale, Tarneit, Lynbrook, South Morang, and Williams Landing. Other bigger shifts were in West Footscray – Tottenham, South Yarra – East, Brighton, Viewbank – Yallambie, Yarrville, Footscray, Kensington, and Flemington (some of which might be gentrification leading to more central city workers?).

There was also a big shift to trains in Point Cook – South, which doesn’t have a train station, but is down the road from the new Williams Landing Station. Almost 28% of commuters from Point Cook South work in the Melbourne CBD, Docklands or Southbank, and most of those journeys were by public transport.

We can also look at mode shares by work location. Here is train mode share by workplace location for 2011 and 2016 (I’ve zoomed into inner Melbourne as the mode shares are negligible elsewhere, and I do not have equivalent data for 2006 sorry):

Melbourne Train mode share 2011 2016 work.gif

The highest shares are in the CBD, Docklands and East Melbourne. Notable relatively high suburban shares include the pocket of Footscray containing State Trustees office tower (30.7% in 2016),  a pocket of Caulfield including a Monash University campus (29.5%), Box Hill (up to 19.6%), Swinburne University in Hawthorn (37.4%), and 17.5% in a pocket of Yarraville.

The biggest workplace mode shifts to train were in Docklands (+8.6%), Southbank (+5.5%), Abbotsford (+5.5%), Richmond (+5.3%),  Collingwood (+5.1%), Parkville (+4.9%), and South Yarra – East (+4.8%).


Across Melbourne, bus mode share had a significant rise from 2.6% in 2006 to 3.3% in 2011, and then a small rise to 3.4% in 2016. Here’s how it looks spatially for any journey involving bus:

The highest bus mode shares are in the Kew-Doncaster corridor, around Clayton (Monash University), in the Footscray – Sunshine corridor, a pocket of Heidelberg West, around Box Hill and in Altona North. These are areas of Melbourne with higher bus service levels (and most lack train and tram services).

Here’s a map showing mode shift 2011 to 2016 at the SA2 level:

Outside the Kew – Doncaster corridor there were small mode shifts in pockets that received bus network upgrades between 2011 and 2016, including Point Cook, Craigieburn, Epping – West, Mernda, Port Melbourne, and Cairnlea.

There was also a shift to buses in Ormond – Glenhuntly, which can be largely explained by Bentleigh and Ormond Stations being closed on census day due to level crossing removal works, with substitute buses operating.

There were larger declines in Laverton / Williams Landing (where a new train station opened), Footscray, and Abbotsford.

In terms of workplaces, Westfield Doncaster topped Melbourne with 14.4% of journeys involving bus, followed by Monash University Clayton with 12.8% (remember this figure does not include students who didn’t also work at the university on census day), 13.3% at Northland Shopping Centre, and 12.3% in a pocket of Box Hill.


“SmartBus” services operate from 5 am to midnight weekdays, 6 am to midnight Saturdays, and 7 am to 9 pm Sundays, with services every 15 minutes or better on weekdays from 6:30 am to 9 pm, and half-hourly or better services at other times. These are relatively high service levels by Melbourne standards.

SmartBus includes four routes that connect the city to the Manningham/Doncaster region via the Eastern Freeway, three orbital routes, and a couple of other routes in the middle south-eastern suburbs. All routes are relatively direct and none are particularly short. Seven of these routes serve the Manningham region.

To assist analysis, I’ve created a “SmartBus zone” which includes all SA1 and CD areas which have a centroid within 600 m of a SmartBus route numbered 900-908. These routes were all introduced between 2006 and 2011, generally replacing existing routes that operated at lower service levels (I’ve excluded SmartBus route 703 because it was not significant upgraded between 2006 and 2016).

Here are mode shares inside and outside the SmartBus zone:

In 2006 the SmartBus zone already had double the bus mode share of the rest of Melbourne, as existing routes had relatively good service levels, including Eastern Freeway services. Following SmartBus (and other bus) upgrades between 2006 and 2011, there was a 2.5% mode shift to bus in the SmartBus zone, and a 1.3% mode shift to bus elsewhere. The SmartBus zone had a further 0.5% shift between 2011 and 2016 while the shift was only 0.2% in the rest of Melbourne.

Here’s an animated look at bus mode shares for just the SmartBus zone.

You can see plenty of mode shift in the Manningham area (where many SmartBus routes overlap), but also some mode shifts along the others routes – particularly in the south-east.


  • the SmartBus zone includes overlaps with some other high service bus routes – those pockets generally had higher starting mode shares in 2006.
  • The orbital SmartBus routes do overlap with trains and/or trams which provide radial public transport at high service levels, negating the need or bus as a rail feeder mode (still useful for cross-town travel).
  • I haven’t excluded sections of SmartBus freeway running from the SmartBus zone. Sorry, I know that’s not perfect analysis, particularly along the Eastern Freeway.

Train + bus

Journeys involving train and bus rose from 1.1% in 2006 to 1.5% in 2011 and 1.7% in 2016, which is fairly large growth off a small base and represents around half of all journeys involving bus. I suspect there might be some under-reporting of bus in actual bus-train journeys, as we saw many people a long way from train stations only reporting train as their travel mode.

Here’s a map showing train + bus mode share at SA2 level. Note the colour scale is in half-percent increments:

Melbourne train + bus share

Large increases are evident around the middle eastern suburbs (particularly around SmartBus routes), the Footscray-Sunshine corridor (which have frequent bus services running to frequent trains at Footscray Station), Point Cook (where relatively frequent bus routes feeding Williams Landing Station were introduced in 2013, resulting in 750 train+bus journeys in 2016), Craigieburn (again bus service upgrades with strong train connectivity), and Wollert (likewise).

Ormond – Glen Huntly shows up in 2016 because of the rail replacement bus services at Bentleigh and Ormond Stations at the time (as previously mentioned).


Here’s a map of tram mode shares, overlaid on the 2016 tram network (there haven’t been any significant tram extensions since 2005).

Melbourne tram share

Higher tram mode shares closely follow the tracks, with the highest shares in Brunswick, North Fitzroy, St Kilda, Richmond, and Docklands.

It’s also interesting to note that several outer extremities of the tram network have quite low tram mode shares – including East Brighton, Vermont South, Box Hill, Camberwell / Glen Iris (where the Alamein line crosses tram 75), Carnegie, and to a lesser extent Airport West and Bundoora. These areas have overlapping train services and/or are a long travel time from the CBD.

Overall tram mode share increased from 4.0% in 2006 to 4.6% in 2011 and 4.8% in 2016. Here’s a map of tram mode shift 2011 to 2016 by home SA2:

The biggest mode shift was +12.6% in Docklands, followed by +9.5% in the CBD. This no doubt reflects the introduction of the free tram zone across these areas. Walk-only journey to work mode share fell 4.4% in Docklands and 7% in the CBD.

Abbotsford had a 8.5% mode shift to trams, which possibly reflects the extension of route 12 to Victoria Gardens, providing significantly more capacity along Victoria Street (the only tram corridor serving Abbotsford).

There were small mode share declines in many suburbs, although this does not necessarily mean a reduction in the number of journeys by tram.

Here are tram mode shares by workplace for 2011 and 2016:

Melbourne tram share workplace

The highest workplace tram mode shares were in the CBD, along St Kilda Road south of the CBD, Carlton, Fitzroy, Parkville, Albert Park, South Melbourne, and St Kilda.


Cycling mode share increased from 1.5% in 2006 to 1.8% in 2011 and 1.9% in 2016. These are low numbers, but the bicycle mode share was anything but uniform across Melbourne.

Firstly here’s a map of cycling mode share by home location:

There’s not much action outside the inner city, so let’s zoom in:

The highest mode shares are in the inner northern suburbs (pockets around 25%) where there has been considerable investment in cycling infrastructure.

Here’s a chart showing the mode shift at SA2 level:

The biggest mode shift was 2.2% in Brunswick West, followed by 2.1% in South Yarra West. However aggregating to SA2 level hides some of the other changes. If you study the detailed map you can see larger mode shifts in more isolated pockets and/or corridors (including a corridor out through Footscray).

Here is the growth in bicycle trips between 2011 and 2016 by home distance from the city centre:

Significant growth was only seen for homes within 10km of the city centre. Here are those new trips mapped:

What about cycling mode shares by workplaces? I’ve gone straight to the inner city so you can see the interesting detail:

The highest workplace mode shares are in the inner northern suburbs, including Parkville (9.1%) and Fitzroy North (8.2%).

You’ll note the CBD does not have a high cycling mode share (3.8%) compared to the inner northern suburbs. But if you look at the concentration of cycling commuter workplaces, you get quite a different story:

This shows the CBD having the highest concentrations of commuter cycling destinations, although there were also relatively high densities at the Parkville hospitals and the Alfred Hospital. The highest concentration of commuter cyclists in 2016 was a block bound by Lonsdale Street, Exhibition Street, Little Lonsdale Street and Spring Street (it had a mode share of 4.3%).

However if you look at the increase in bicycle commuter trips between 2011 and 2016 by workplace distance from the city, the biggest growth was for destinations 1-4 km from the city centre:

Note: I am using a different scale for charts by workplace distance from the CBD.

How has walking changed?

Overall walking-only mode share in Melbourne as measured by the census has hardly changed, from 3.6% in 2006 to 3.5% in both 2011 and 2016. However there are huge spatial variations.

Here’s walking by home location:

The highest walking mode shares are around the central city with mode shares above 40% in parts of the CBD, Southbank, Carlton, Docklands, North Melbourne, and Parkville. Outside the city centre relatively high mode shares are seen around Monash University Clayton, the Police Academy in Glen Waverley, Box Hill, and Swinburne University in Hawthorn. Walking-only trips are very rare in most other parts of the city.

Here are walking mode shares by workplace location:

The highest walking shares by SA2 in 2016 were in St Kilda East, Prahran – Windsor, South Yarra, Carlton, Carlton North, Fitzroy, and Elwood. There were also smaller pockets of high walking mode share in Yarraville, Footscray, Flemington, Northcote, Ormond – Glenhuntly, Richmond, and Box Hill.

The biggest mode shifts away from walking were in the CBD (-7.3%) and Docklands (-4.0%), which also had big shifts to tram – probably due to the new Free Tram Zone.

Overall, the biggest increase in walking journeys was seen within 5km of the city centre:

For workplaces, the biggest growth in walking was to jobs between 2-4 km from the CBD (be aware of different X-axis scales):

Most common non-car mode

Here is a map showing the most common non-car mode in 2016*. Note the most common non-car mode might still have a very small mode share so interpret this map with caution.

*actually, I’ve not checked motorbike/scooter, taxi, or truck on the basis they are very unlikely to be the most common.

Train dominates most parts of Melbourne, with notable exceptions of the Manningham region (served by buses but not trains), several tram corridors that are remote from trains, and walking around the city centre.

The southern Mornington Peninsula is a mix of bus and walking, plus some SA1s where no one travelled to work by train, tram, bus, ferry, bicycle, or walking-only!

The next map zooms into the inner suburbs, showing the tram network underneath:

Generally tram is only the dominant mode in corridors where trains do no overlap (we saw lower tram mode shares in these areas above). In most of the inner south-eastern suburbs served by trams and trains, train is the dominant non-car mode.

If you look carefully, there are a few SA1s where bicycle is the dominant non-car mode.

In case you are wondering, there are places in Melbourne where train, tram, or walking-only trumped car-only as the most common mode. They are all on this map:

Mode with the most growth

Finally, another way to look at the data is the mode with the highest growth in trips.

Here is a map showing the mode (out of car, train, tram, bus, ferry, bicycle, walk-only) that had the biggest increase in number of trips between 2011 and 2016, by SA2:

Car trips dominated new trips in most outer suburbs (particularly in the south-east), but certainly not all of Melbourne. Train was most common in many middle suburbs (and even some outer suburbs).

Bicycle was the most common new journey mode in Albert Park (+69 journeys), South Yarra – West (+58), Carlton North – Princes Hill (+65), Fitzroy North (+150) and Brunswick West (+165).

Walking led Southbank (+1292 journeys), Fitzroy (+136), and Keilor Downs (+13 with most other modes in small decline, so don’t get too excited).

Bus topped SA2s in the Doncaster corridor, but also Port Melbourne (+187), Wantirna (+16), Kings Park (+11) and Ormond – Glen Huntly (+284 with rail replacement buses operating on census day in 2016).

Tram topped several inner SA2s but also Vermont South (+37).

Want to explore the data in Tableau?

I’ve built visualisations in Tableau Public where you can choose your mode of interest, year(s) of interest, and zoom into whatever geography you like.

By home location:

By work location:

Have fun exploring the data!


What other modes did train commuters use in their journey to work?

Sun 23 June, 2013

Following on from my last post about public transport multi-modality in the journey to work, this post takes a more detailed look at what modes were used in conjunction with trains in journeys to work.

Trains provide a backbone for public transport systems in Australia’s five largest cities, but only a minority of the population within each city is within walking distance of a train station. So what other modes were used in combination with trains for journeys to work in 2011? (according to the ABS census)

2011 train other modes

This chart shows that ‘walking only’ (ie no modes other than ‘train’ specified) was the most common response for people who used trains in four of the five cities, with Perth the notable exception. Perth’s rail network includes two heavily patronised lines that are largely within freeway corridors, with longer than traditional station spacing and much smaller walking catchments for each station. Perth train commuters were therefore much more likely to involve other modes of transport in their journey to work.

Private (motorised) vehicle transport was more common than other modes of public transport in Brisbane, but the other cities were fairly evenly balanced between private vehicle transport and other public transport modes.

Perth had the highest share of train commuters reporting also using buses (almost a third), suggesting the train feeder bus networks are working quite well.

Sydney had a similar rate of other public transport mode use to other cities, despite limited multi-modal fare integration, although Sydney did have the highest reported rate of ‘walking only’ for train commuters.

Melbourne had the second highest rate of other public transport modes being involved, with roughly equal amounts of bus and tram.

What modes are used to access train stations?

The census doesn’t tell us the order of modes used in the journey to work, but I can get a picture of this from Melbourne’s household travel survey, VISTA:

VISTA JTW pretrain mode

(note that train does not appear as this analysis looks at the mode preceding the first use of train).

Some recently published PTV data on use of train stations also allows analysis of estimated access mode splits for 7am-7pm weekday train station entries based on origin-destination surveys of journeys of any purpose.

The following chart shows access modes to non-CBD stations (i.e. excluding Flinders Street, Southern Cross, Flagstaff, Melbourne Central, and Parliament):

Access modes to Melbourne non CBD train stations

The data sets aren’t in strong agreement about ‘walking only’ and private vehicle use, although they all have different measurement frames.

The disparity may support the suggestion that there is under-reporting of rail-feeder modes other than walking in the census – particularly vehicle driver/passenger (see also an earlier post that found people living beyond reasonable walking distance of train stations reporting train and walking only to get to work). On the other hand, it may also be that train-based journeys to work have lower rates of private vehicle use than for other journey purposes.

All the figures also suggest that trams are much more likely to be used after trains in the journey to work in Melbourne, which makes sense, as there are only a few tram lines in suburban Melbourne that feed the rail network, and trams provide comprehensive street-based transport within the inner city area helping to distribute people who arrive by train.

In fact, here is a chart showing the reported access modes for Melbourne’s CBD train stations, showing a much higher tram share of access modes:

Access modes to Melbourne CBD train stations

The data shows walking as the dominant access mode, but also a quite large number of train-train transfers at CBD stations.

Changes over time

So how have these trends changed over time? (at least, as far as people fill out their census forms)

Unfortunately sufficiently detailed data isn’t available for 2001, but here is a comparison of 2006 and 2011 census journey to work data for the five cities:

2006 and 2011 train other modes

You can see for Perth that the ‘walking only’ share dropped in favour of most other modes (following opening of the Mandurah rail line).

Brisbane also had a notable shift away from ‘walking only’, particularly to the use of other public transport modes, which might reflect continued changes in travel habits following full multi-modal fare integration in 2004-05. However Brisbane retained the rate of use of other public transport modes in journeys involving train of all cities.

Adelaide had a decline in buses being part of train-based journeys to work, but an increase in trams and private vehicle drivers.

Melbourne saw an increase in bus use with train journeys, with a decline in all other modes and ‘walking only’.

Sydney saw small increases in ‘walking only’ and bus use for people making journeys to work involving trains.

In terms of bicycles being part of train-based journeys, Melbourne had the biggest increase (from 1.0% to 1.2% of journeys involving trains), while Adelaide went backwards (1.6% to 1.0%, although I have no idea if this might have been weather related).

You might be wondering about trucks, taxis and motorbikes. Okay, well even if you aren’t, I should point out that I have made some assumptions in aggregating the census data:

  • Anyone reporting truck or motorcycle/scooter has been counted as private vehicle driver (although they may have been passengers on such vehicles, although I’m guessing this is less likely than them being drivers)
  • Anyone reporting taxi I have counted as private vehicle passenger.

For more information on other modes used with trains in Melbourne see pages 26-27 of the PTV Network Development Plan for Metropolitan Rail, and recently published PTV data for use of train stations, including access modes.

How multi-modal are public transport journeys to work in Australian cities?

Mon 17 June, 2013

It seems public transport intermodal integration is a frequent topic of conversation in Australia’s larger cities. So how multi-modal is public transport travel in our cities?

In this post I’ll look at journeys to work from the 2011 census for the five larger Australian cities with multi-modal public transport networks. The results might not be quite what you expect.

Before looking at the data, I think it is important to think about the factors that might influence the degree of multi-modal public transport commuter trip-making, particularly with regard to radial trips towards city centres:

  • Commuters from the middle and outer suburbs are more likely to require a rapid transit component to their commute to ensure an attractive travel time.
    • Cities with CBD-orientated busways (primarily Brisbane, Adelaide and to a lesser extent Perth) are perhaps less likely to see multi-modal journeys as buses provide both the local pick up and the rapid transit component of the journey.
    • Cities with more extensive train networks are also perhaps less likely to see multi-modal journeys because a greater share of the population will be within walking distance of a train station and not require a feeder mode (eg bus).
  • In cities where transfers are a fundamental part of the network design, there might be higher transfer rates. For example, very few middle and outer suburban bus routes in the larger cities service the CBD, rather they run to train stations where passengers generally transfer to trains to access inner city areas. This is particularly the case in Melbourne and Perth.
  • The same issue applies for people arriving in city centres. For example, Sydney ferry commuters travelling to areas of the CBD not within easy walking distance of a ferry terminal would need to transfers to buses or trains. Adelaide only has one train station which is on the edge of the CBD, effectively forcing transfers onto buses or the tram for most CBD destinations. Perth has two main CBD train stations, although the core employment areas are within reasonable walking distance of these stations. That said, one might argue that an ideal integrated public transport network would encourage people to use local modes (bus or tram) to travel between destinations and major transport nodes within city centres (in all cities except Sydney, such transfers are almost always free). All cities do offer street-based public transport to help circulate commuters within city centres. I also wonder whether these short trips within city centres might be under-reported in census data (perhaps something to explore another time).

Journeys to work in city centres

So, what percentage of all journeys to work in city centres involve multiple public transport modes? (see note at the end of this post about estimation for 2001 figures)

multimodal PT share to city centres

Note the definitions of city centres aren’t perfectly comparable (see earlier post for maps):

  • Melbourne is primarily the CBD (excluding Southbank and Docklands)
  • Perth includes all of the City of Perth
  • Adelaide includes North Adelaide (entire of City of Adelaide)
  • Brisbane is the “Brisbane City” SA2

The first thing to note is that the share of commuters who use multiple public transport modes is very low (considering public transport mode share to city centres is generally very high).

The following chart shows the proportion of public transport journeys to work in city centres that involved multiple modes of public transport:

proportion of PT trips multimodal to city centres

The vast majority of people who use public transport to access jobs in city centres only use one mode. Given that most city centre workers don’t actually live all that far from the CBD, it’s not too surprising as an overall pattern.

Perth is the stand-out for highest multi-modal public transport travel, and largest increase in this type of journey between 2006 and 2011. A few things might explain this:

  • Perth’s rapid transit network is relatively sparse (five train lines and one busway), meaning fewer people can walk to a rapid transit station.
  • Indeed, most train stations on the northern and southern lines have very limited walking catchments, but relatively strong bus feeder services and excellent interchange layouts that make transferring easy.
  • The increase between 2006 and 2011 is no doubt related to the Mandurah line where many previously bus-only journeys have been replaced by bus-train journeys, but it might also relate to improved feeder bus services on other lines.
  • Perth’s high multi-modal share may also reflect a strong focus on timetable coordination. My understanding is that Transperth don’t try to “optimise” train-bus connection times, they force bus timetables to have ideal bus-train connection times, with high vehicle utilisation a secondary priority.

Melbourne comes in second (if Southbank and Docklands were included, the 2011 figure would be 10.3%). Interestingly, there were more train+bus journeys to the city centre, than train+tram journeys.

Sydney is third, despite having four modes of public transport. This perhaps reflects the lack of a fully integrated fare system (ie multi-modal tickets are usually more expensive that single-mode tickets) and the fact many bus routes run parallel to train lines (and it is usually cheaper to stay on the bus rather than transfer onto the train). It’s not clear to me why Sydney would have had a reduction in multi-modality between 2001 and 2006.

Brisbane had a much lower multi-modal share, probably related to a high bus mode share, the presence of busways providing efficient single-mode (often single-seat) travel for a large number of commuters to the central city, many bus routes running parallel to train lines, and the only relatively recent introduction of full multi-modal fare integration in 2004-05.

Adelaide also rates lowly and has been in decline, perhaps relating to the low-frequency train system (that is now receiving an upgrade including electrification). The extension of the Adelaide tram route from Victoria Square to the Entertainment Centre may have reduced the need for existing tram passengers to transfer, but on the other hand may be helping to circulate people arriving in the city on buses and trains.

Outside city centres

The following chart shows how multi-modality compares for public transport journeys to work in city centres and elsewhere: proportion of PT trips multimodal by work loc

Public transport journeys to work in locations outside city centres were much more likely to involve multiple modes, which makes sense as direct rapid services are probably less likely to be available to reach such workplaces. Keep in mind also that public transport mode share of journeys to workplaces outside the city centre are much lower.

Here are the trends over time for multi-modality of public transport journeys to workplaces outside city centres. It shows increases in Perth and Brisbane, declines in Adelaide and Sydney, and little recent change in Melbourne: proportion of PT trips multimodal outside city centres

Perhaps the increase in Brisbane might be attributed to full multi-modal fare integration introduced in 2004/05, providing free transfers between modes. The increase in Perth is no doubt related to the Mandurah rail line opening.

So is the city centre the main destination for multi-modal public transport journeys to work?

CBD share of multimodal PT JTW

In the larger cities the answer is no. In Adelaide and Perth – where over 60% of PT journeys to work are to the CBD – only around half of the multi-modal PT trips are to the city centre.

While a large proportion of multi-modal public transport journeys to work are not to the city centre, I would expect most would still be radial in nature (as jobs are on average closer to the city centre than homes). This is perhaps something to explore in a future post (my guess would be concentrations of multi-modal public transport travel to workplaces surrounding the city centre).

Finally, I’ve had a look at the home origins for multi-modal public transport journeys to work for Melbourne and Perth in 2011. Click to enlarge maps, and note the colour scale is for mode shares 1 to 10%.

Melb 2011 multi PT

In Melbourne the highest concentrations are north of Footscray, where several frequent tram and bus routes feed Footscray station. There are also concentrations in the middle-eastern and middle-northern suburbs, particularly around SmartBus routes.

Perth 2011 multi

In Perth the highest concentrations are in the northern and southern suburbs, where frequent bus routes connect people’s homes to high-speed train services in peak periods.

My next post will continue the multi-modal theme and look at what modes were used in conjunction with trains in the journey to work.

Footnote regarding 2001 estimates

Available data for 2001 only shows mode share in an aggregated summary, including figures for “train and two other modes” and “bus and two other modes”. Not all of these journeys involved multiple public transport modes, and I don’t know exactly how many did.

To estimate 2001 figures of total multi-modal PT journeys, for each city I have calculated the proportion of 2006 journeys that would come under these headings that actually involved multiple PT modes (as detailed data is available for 2006), and then applied these percentages to the 2001 figures for “train and two other modes” and “bus and two other modes” figures.

The result is that around 20% of the total 2001 multi-modal PT journeys are estimated.

I also checked these percentages in the 2011 data, and they were very similar to 2006. For example, 89% of journeys that could be described as “train and two other modes” in 2006 for Melbourne involved multiple PT modes, and in 2011 that figure was 88%. The similarities were weaker for “bus and two other modes”, but the numbers for this category were very small (less than 65 journeys in all cities except Sydney at 145).